![]() The parley, which will encompass the parties to the 1950-53 Korean War (North and South Korea, plus China and America), seeks an elusive peace treaty. President Bill Clinton last April to become reality this year. ![]() That, together with China's express backing, paves the way for the four-power talks proposed by U.S. Last week, North Korea expressed "deep regret" for sending a commando-filled submarine to South Korea last September. Interesting things are also happening on the Korean peninsula. Some Chinese leaders want to turn the adjacent special economic zone of Shenzhen into a high-tech support base for Hong Kong, and pouring central government resources into the development of a large park for science and industry. Tung and Beijing have hinted that they want the local economy broadened to accommodate a bigger role for science and technology - an area long neglected by the colonial government. Tung Chee Hwa, and a lawmaking body packed with businessmen. They picked a shipping-tycoon leader, Mr. Beijing made sure the electoral college that chose both the chief executive and the interim legislature was dominated by business-savvy people. More clear-cut is China's commitment to the territory's continued economic success. Beijing's expanded influence may lead to an erosion of Hong Kong's constitutionally guaranteed civil liberties - or it may not. It will have a new chief executive, government and provisional legislature. On July 1, the territory becomes China's first special administrative region. The numeral "1997" is nowhere more evocative than in Hong Kong, and in no other place in Asia are the major milestones of the coming year so preordained. Jiang's part, his incremental accession as first among equals will be formalized by the party's pivotal 15th National Congress late this year. More importantly, they realize that any such internecine tussle would severely jolt the rule of the Communist Party, if not bring down the entire regime. No single Chinese leader today is strong enough to muscle aside his rivals in a decisive bid for supreme authority. The reason is as simple as it is solid, being rooted in the self-interest of the would-be contenders. A cataclysmic "power struggle" over the succession, à la Mao Zedong's days, is unlikely. They have been hammered out by a small group of leaders headed by President Jiang Zemin. For the past five years, no major decisions were made by Mr. ![]() That is because the process is all but over. One thing can be said with some certainty when the inevitable does happen: China's leadership "transition" will be a major non-event. Deng Xiaoping refocus attention on the long-awaited passing of the 92-year-old patriarch. Fresh reports about the "deteriorating" health of Mr. So with a respectful bow toward the gods of caprice, let's take a look into that crystal ball. For Asia, the past year seems to have produced more than the usual quota of pointers to what may be in store for 1997 - and beyond. Meaningful efforts should be more than mere leaps of faith they ought to be grounded in glimmerings of new directions that can be sensed from present events. P REDICTIONS ARE ALWAYS A hazardous business, especially in current affairs. In 1997, Asia looks set for some momentous developments From Our Correspondent: Hirohito and the WarĪ conversation with biographer Herbert Bixįrom Our Correspondent: A Rough Road Aheadīad news for the Philippines - and some others
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